Title

Many of the Conservative proposals for Big Society, such as asset transfer, participatory budgeting, petitions, building capacity and promoting social enterprise were appropriated from her own White Paper in 2008, says Hazel Blears Last week, I spoke with a group of senior advertising executives about a recently-launched programme which is already starting to fizzle out, having failed to connect with its target audience. No, not ITV's new breakfast show Daybreak, but prime minister David Cameron's attempt to promote the Big Society as his governing philosophy. It is undoubtedly a clever piece of positioning that the Big Society has clear echoes of the Big Issue magazine, the Big Life Charity and the Big Lunch, it has emerged from the same stable as Conservative Co-operatism, and the Tories' new-found, if slightly surprising enthusiasm for mutual solutions in public services. All of this gives the appearance of a new strategy to build a shield against the ‘economic blitz'. Just like during the Second World War, we are ‘all in this together' and, by ‘working in the national interest', we can emerge as a stronger, more prosperous and caring country. But this is not a new agenda, by any means. Local groups across the country have, for many years, been working to make a difference to their communities – from growing food, to building and managing co-op homes, caring for older people, running nurseries and play groups, tackling chronic diseases, and getting people back to work. They are organised in small voluntary groups, sometimes in larger co-ops or community interest companies, but always motivated by a passion for improving life for others. In many cases, local government – as well as the much-maligned regional development agencies (RDAs) – have supported their work, but it has almost always been a partnership rather than leaving local people to go it alone. In Witton Lodge in Birmingham, Linda Hines, a fearsome campaigner, could not have opened the new community hall without help from the West Midlands RDA. Bob Holman's inspirational organisation in Glasgow's East End could not have succeeded without support from the Big Lottery, Inspiring Scotland and Glasgow City Council, and in my own city of Salford, Seedley and Langworthy Development Trust is working with Salford City Council on a plan to convert a disused hotel into affordable housing. Over the last 13 years, funding for charities and the voluntary sector has risen from £8bn to £13bn. More people are volunteering, and the social enterprise sector has come of age. This progress is now threatened by impending cuts to local government funding. No council will be able to absorb almost 30% cuts without a significant impact on those community and voluntary organisations. The New Economics Foundation has warned that around £5bn will be cut from these sectors, leading to a massive shortfall in what have now become essential public services. So, for the Big Society to be more than a clever piece of branding, there are three essential tests that Government must meet: first, funding – without access to sustainable funding, many voluntary groups will fold second, there must be a long-term framework in place, particularly for local government, if it is to venture down the path of asset transfer, participatory budgeting, more diverse provision of services and genuine empowerment of local people and third, there must be a commitment to fairness and a recognition that it's often more difficult for the poorest communities to take on these responsibilities – they will require greater support from local authorities. If the Government is serious about this agenda, it has to do more than organise a Big Society Day and encourage street parties. It could show commitment to funding, a long-term framework and fairness, by taking a bold, simple step. The Big Society Bank is due to launch in April next year. There is talk of £60m to support local community organisations. The fund is likely to be oversubscribed, tenfold. If we really are all in this together, the Government could increase its bank levy to require the banks to put 1% of their profits into local projects, which would make a huge difference to areas which have been hit hardest by the downturn. In the first half of this year alone, this would have raised £84m from the UK's five biggest banks. This would create a tangible bond between the banks, whose reckless risk-taking contributed to the deficit, and offer a practical solution to a real funding problem. Any allegations of it being ‘anti-business' would be rebutted by the concurrent cut in corporation tax, which may actually leave banks better off. It will be the practical policy and not the political philosophy that will be the real test of Mr Cameron's Big Society. Many of the Conservative proposals, so far, were already set out in my White Paper in 2008. Asset transfer, participatory budgeting, petitions, building capacity and promoting social enterprise – there is very little new policy in this area. But the Tories have appropriated this agenda from Labour, and we need to take it back. It was the Labour Party which was built on the basic tenets of mutuality and collective self-help. It was Labour which built self-organisation in the absence of publicly-funded health and education. I want my party to reclaim this ground, and develop new ideas and policies that will truly give ordinary people more control over their communities. Meanwhile, as the ratings plummet, and whispers of cutting and running grow louder, we'll watch the branding exercise with continued interest. I'm referring to Daybreak, what did you think I was talking about? n Hazel Blears is MP for Salford and was secretary of state for communities and local government, 2007-2009

Title

WHITEHALL

Big Society is just clever branding

SUBSCRIBE TO CONTINUE READING